Toggle navigation Carolina Digital Repository. Help Contact Us Login. You do not have access to any existing collections. You may create a new collection. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, APA Meyer, J. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Chicago Meyer, William J. Affiliation: College of Arts and Sciences, Department of Anthropology Abstract This dissertation explores landscape syncretism: the socio-ecological process by which people make sense of landscapes inherited from past generations, building and re-building relationships among place-specific structures just as they do among the human residents of the landscape.
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Incorporating ideas from phenomenological archaeology, historical ecology, and social studies of science and technology, a syncretic perspective focuses upon the continual negotiation of dynamic socio-ecological relationships among a wide variety of actors, including but not limited to humans. This research examines such negotiations through a case study of Hallstatt tumuli i.
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Classic archaeological data about the tumuli of the project area, though inconsistent, suggest that their Hallstatt builders forged specific relationships among these newly constructed burial mounds, other physical features both inherited and new , and the humans with whom they shared the Arroux and Somme valleys. Unlike standard archaeological treatments that might focus exclusively on this relational and heterogeneous Hallstatt landscape, the case study presented here examines a broader time scale: looking not only at the protohistoric past, but also at recent centuries.
This broadened temporal perspective relies upon an expanded range of methods and data, including place-names and folklore from the early Modern period onward, the historiography of tumulus-related archaeology starting in the 19th century, and ethnography with members of living communities who interact with tumuli today.
These additional sources demonstrate that the heterogeneity originally built into the Hallstatt landscape only multiplied as subsequent peoples came to inhabit the Arroux and Somme valleys, creating new relational systems or collectives of people, biota, and place-specific elements i.
Archaeologists needs to recognize this co-existence and, working with the public, think about how to create productive moments of translation among these different landscapes. I have long been convinced that a science that is well treated comes down to a well constructed language and I have applied myself to the creation of the language of economic science. Unfortunately I was obliged to work in haste to take advantage of a favourable opportunity, for I foresaw that if there were changes in the ministry, I would not be able to get to press.
That is why I have not always put all the precision I should have liked into this work. I have just made some essential corrections to it. In Edition: current; Page: [  ] any case these changes bear on points of detail which change no essentials and which are only needed to prevent awkward difficulties. Sgard, Corpus Condillac, — It was shown in the previous chapter that its publication was none the less delayed, but perhaps by no more than seven months.
Since Turgot had been a reforming Intendant in Limoges, in effect head of local government there. He corresponded regularly with Condorcet and Du Pont de Nemours, the father of the founders of the United States chemical empire. His personal cabinet included Du Pont, and room was also found for Quesnay de Saint-Germain, a grandson of the founder of physiocracy.
It was widely understood that a further attempt would be made to apply the economic analysis of the dominant physiocratic school to the problems of the French economy. It was evident Edition: current; Page: [  ] that a further attempt would be made to liberalise food markets: reforms had been introduced in —64, but these had been reversed in when they led to large price increases.
The renewed attempt to implement policies based on these doctrines aroused much debate, and those like Condillac who were outside the administration naturally wished to participate in the accompanying excitement and interest in political economy. The above letter to Rangoni includes the more general intention to add a book which clarified the foundations of political economy to his extensive published contributions.
The level of interest in economics in —76 created the opportunity to combine this with a highly relevant contribution to contemporary debate. Here Condillac the philosopher produced a new theoretical approach which only began to be appreciated nearly a century after his death. It will emerge below p.
Condillac the subjective philosopher sought to explain the motivation of producers and consumers, and he did this by suggesting that producers work to obtain utility. The value of things therefore grows with scarcity and decreases with abundance. Farmers will only increase their output of grain if they can exchange their surplus over their own needs, which offers them no value because it has no marginal utility, for something else that they desire, and the same is true of the producers of all other commodities.
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The absence of adequate markets will therefore have highly adverse effects on their incentive to produce and hence on the supply side of the economy. The surplus [of farmers]. If they were unable to make exchanges, their surplus would stay with them, and it would have no value for them. Cultivators of the land will obtain utility from manufactures as well as food, so their motivation to produce food will be influenced by the availability and cost of manufactures.
There is indeed a mutual interchange between farmers who produce products that manufacturers require and manufacturers who produce products which farmers will find useful. Merchants are needed to arrange the exchange of surplus food for the products of artisans:. Now merchants are the channels of communication through which the surplus runs.
From places where it has no value it passes into places where it gains value, and wherever it settles it becomes wealth. A spring which disappears into rocks and sand is not wealth for me; but it becomes such, if I build an aqueduct to draw it to my meadows. This spring represents the surplus products for which we are indebted to the settlers [colons], and the aqueduct represents the merchants. As a result of this process whereby merchants arrange the marketing of the agricultural surplus, cultivators are induced to raise their level of production:.
If one compares the state of deprivation our tribe is in, when, without artisans, without merchants, it is confined to goods of prime need, with the state of plenty in which it finds itself, when, through the hard work of artisans and merchants, it enjoys goods of secondary need, that is, of a host of things that habit turns into needs for it; one will understand that the work of artisans and merchants is as much a source of wealth for it, as the very work of the farmers.
It is therefore proved that in the final analysis industry is also a source of wealth. It has been much obscured by some writers. Condillac argues in contrast in a much Edition: current; Page: [  ] quoted passage that farmers, manufacturers and merchants combine to create wealth:. All the groups, each busy with its own tasks, come together in competition to increase the mass of wealth, or the abundance of goods which have value.
It is the farmer who provides all the primary material. But such primary material, as would be useless and without value in his hands, becomes useful and obtains value when the artisan has found the way to make it serve the needs of society. With each skill that begins, with each advance it makes, the farmer thus acquires new wealth, because he finds value in a product which previously had none. This product, given value by the artisan, gives a fresh spur to commerce for which it is a new stock in trade; and it becomes a new source of wealth for the farmer because, as each product acquires value, he makes new consumption for himself.
Thus it is that all, farmers, merchants, artisans, come together to increase the mass of wealth. CG — Condillac is arguing that the free exchange of commodities within an economy, each exchange benefiting both seller and buyer, leads to continual advances in the range of products available to the population and to increases in wealth. His account of a competitive economy generalises into a detailed multi-sectoral presentation:. The farmer, busy in the fields, would not have the time free to make himself a coat, to build a house, to forge weapons, and he would not have the aptitude because these jobs require knowledge and a skill he does not possess.
Several groups will therefore form. Besides that of the farmers, there will be tailors, architects, armourers. When I distinguish four classes it is because we must choose a number. The tribe may and even must have many more. They will multiply in proportion as the arts come into being, and make progress. If the artisan and the merchant are paid by the farmer to whom they sell, the farmer is Edition: current; Page: [  ] in his turn paid by the artisan and the merchant to whom he sells, and each of them gets paid for his work.
This mutual financial interdependence of farmers, merchants and artisans reads admirably in the late twentieth century. In addition to arguing that the free domestic exchange of goods will always raise economic welfare, he extends his argument internationally and suggests that countries will always gain from unrestricted trade.
He indicated that in no country had free trade in food and that France would gain by being the first to free both exports and imports:. France, we assume, is alone in giving export full, complete, permanent freedom without restriction, limitation or interruption.
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All her ports are always open and no one ever demands any duty on entry or exit there. I say that, on this assumption, the trade in grain must be more profitable for France than for any other nation. Whether she sells or whether she buys grain, France will, on our assumption, thus have a great advantage over the nations which forbid export and import.
Because by forbidding export, they reduce the number of purchasers, and consequently they sell at a lower price; and by forbidding import they buy at a higher price, because they reduce the number of those selling to them. He argued that the same would be true for each European nation:. We may conclude that if the states of Europe persist in denying complete freedom to trade, they will never be as rich or as populous as they might be; that if one of them gave complete and permanent liberty, while the others only allowed a temporary and restrained freedom, it would be, other things being equal, the richest of all; and that finally, if all ceased to place obstacles in the way of commerce, they would all be as rich as they could be; and then their respective wealth would depend.
Thus the removal of all barriers to trade would maximise the wealth of each country.vietravheicompnow.tk
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Working from the analysis of human motivation which was subsequently adopted by most twentieth-century economists, Condillac provided the intellectual foundations for the establishment of the conditions for the maximisation of wealth, both nationally and internationally.
With free markets, the free exchange of commodities would contribute to the utility and add to the wealth of all. The policy analysis of the Second Part of Commerce and Government follows the theoretical presentation of the First Part with an account of how the existence of adequate markets plays a central role in providing sufficient incentives for the supply side of the economy.
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