The investigation appears to have already had an effect.
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Another auto company, Mercedes-Benz, had been poised to join the California agreement. But after the German government learned of the federal investigation into the other companies that had signed on, it warned Mercedes not to join, according to a person familiar with the matter who spoke anonymously about it because of the sensitivity of the negotiations. The original Obama-era standards would have required automakers to roughly double the fuel economy of their new cars, pickup trucks and SUVs by That would have meant manufacturing vehicles that would average roughly 54 miles per gallon.
The agreement reached between California and the four automakers, which account for about 30 percent of the United States auto market, allows for slightly lower fuel economy, requiring an average fleetwide fuel economy of 51 miles per gallon by Automakers had feared that the rift would split the domestic market — with California and the 13 other states that follow its lead enforcing one set of standards, and the rest of the country following the more lenient federal standards — resulting in a messy patchwork of regulations requiring two separate lineups of vehicles.
To avert that outcome, the four automakers entered secretive negotiations with California to agree on standards that would apply to vehicles sold nationwide. Some of their peers have been more cautious, saying they fear retribution from an unpredictable administration. Hegel 's critique of Kant's liberal philosophy anticipated the shift, according to Habermas, and this shift came to a philosophical head in Marx 's astute diagnosis of the contradictions inherent in the liberal constitutional social order.
Logical Investigations Volume 2 by Edmund Husserl
Habermas saw the modified liberalism of Mill and Tocqueville with their ambivalence toward the public sphere as emblematic manifestations of these contradictions. Paralleling this philosophical progression against classical liberalism were major socio-economic transformations based on industrialization, and the result was the rise of mass societies characterized by consumer capitalism in the twentieth century.
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Clear demarcations between public and private and between state and society became blurred. The bourgeois public sphere was transformed by the increasing re-integration and entwining of state and society that resulted in the modern social welfare state. This shift, according to Habermas, can be seen as part of a larger dialectic in which political changes were made in an attempt to save the liberal constitutional order, but had the ultimate effect of destroying the bourgeois public sphere.
He highlights the pernicious effects of commercialization and consumerization on the public sphere through the rise of mass media , public relations , and consumer culture. He delineates how these developments thwarted rational-critical political debate, including political parties functioning in a way that bypassed the public sphere, undermining parliamentary politics.
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Habermas drew on the cultural critiques of critical theory from the Frankfurt School ,   which included important thinkers such as Theodor Adorno , who was one of his teachers at the Institute for Social Research from to Habermas began his habilitation during this period, but due to intellectual tensions with the Institute's director, philosopher and sociologist Max Horkheimer , he moved to the University of Marburg, where he completed the work under Wolfgang Abendroth.
The book was reprinted many times in German and other languages, and has been enormously influential, especially since its translation into English, for scholars of political science , media studies , and rhetoric. After publication, Habermas was identified as an important philosopher of the twentieth century. A public sphere from which specific groups would be eo ipso excluded was less than merely incomplete; it was not a public sphere at all. Critics have argued that the bourgeois public sphere cannot be considered an ideal form of politics, since the public sphere was limited to upper-class strata of society and did not represent most of the citizens in these emerging nation-states.
Some critics claim the public sphere, as such, never existed, or existed only in the sense of excluding many important groups, such as the poor, women, slaves, migrants, and criminals. They maintain that the public sphere remains an idealized conception, little changed since Kant, since the ideal is still to a great extent what Habermas might call an unfinished project of modernity.
Cubitt Similar critiques regarding the exclusivity of the bourgeois public sphere have been made by feminist and post-colonial authors. You are not logged in!
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